What began as a movement to reform the quota system has evolved into a mass protest against a repressive regime. In an exclusive interview with The Daily People’s View, Nizam Uddin, Member Secretary of the Chattogram Metropolitan unit of Students Against Discrimination (SAD), detailed the trajectory of the ongoing student-led movement.
“The movement began with the demand for reforming the quota system,” Nizam said. “In 2018, the government had promised changes, but failed to deliver.” According to him, the renewed wave of protests started on July 1 at the University of Chittagong and gradually spread into the city by July 5.
That was the day Nizam joined the protests at the city’s 2 No. Gate area, holding a placard that read, “There will be no quota in jobs.” As demonstrations intensified, so did the state’s response.
“On July 11, when we gathered at New Market near the old railway station, police warned us not to take to the streets and suggested using a ground instead. But we refused,” he said. “Movements across the world have taken place on the streets. That’s how demands are realized.”
Defying police instructions, demonstrators began marching towards Tiger pass but were stopped at CRB. After a heated exchange, protesters broke through the barricade, aiming to block 2 No. Gate, where more demonstrators were waiting. Police responded with baton charges. “I was beaten that day,” Nizam recalled.
He also recounted how central SAD co-coordinator Khan Talat Mahmud Rafi stood in front of the police with outstretched arms and said, “If you must beat someone, beat me.” Despite the violence, the students managed to block the area.
Tensions escalated further when ruling party leader Obaidul Quader allegedly instructed the Chhatra League to take action against the demonstrators on July 14. “This infuriated us even more,” Nizam said. “What they did to our sisters in Dhaka University that night; I couldn’t sleep.”
On July 16, violent clashes broke out as Chhatra League reportedly attacked student protesters. For the first time, students fought back. That day, according to Nizam, several protestors were killed: Chattogram College’s Wasim Akram (affiliated with Chhatra Dal), CU student Hridoy Tarua, and Shibir activist Faisal Ahmed Shanto. News later arrived that another protestor, Abu Sayeed, had been killed in Rangpur.
“That’s when we decided the movement was no longer just about quotas,” Nizam stated. “We had to oust this fascist regime. If this autocratic Awami League stays in power, they’ll execute us all.”
Anger grew further when Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina remarked, “If freedom fighters’ grandchildren don’t get jobs, should the children of collaborators get them?” According to Nizam, “That statement enraged the whole nation.”
The protesters issued a nine-point demand. “We agreed, if those demands are not met, we’ll move towards a single-point demand; her resignation.”
On July 18, clashes erupted again at Notun Bridge area. “The police were especially furious that day,” he said. Even when internet access was cut, the protesters resolved not to back down.
Beyond police violence, protesters faced armed members of Chhatra League and Jubo League patrolling the streets and alleys. “I couldn’t even stay home,” Nizam said. “I hid at relatives’ houses and kept organizing.”
Looking forward, he said: “In the new Bangladesh we envision, the police must be reformed so that they serve justice, not any political party.”
Nizam concluded with a note of caution, referencing history: “After every uprising, be it 1971’s Liberation War, the 1990 anti-autocracy movement, or the 1975, there have always been attempts to vilify the revolutionaries. The same thing is happening now after August 5. There’s a deliberate campaign to destroy the reputation of those leading this movement.”
